West Philippine Sea Arbitration - Philippines won in First round.

The Philippines wins round 1 in historic case vs China

A UN-backed arbitral tribunal rejects China's strongest argument against the Philippines: that the tribunal has no right to hear the Philippines' case over the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea)

SILENT WITNESS. The venue of the arbitration proceedings is the 100-year-old Peace Palace in The Hague, which also houses the International Court of Justice. Photo courtesy of PCA

MANILA, Philippines  – In a round one victory for the Philippines, a United Nations-backed arbitral tribunal at The Hague, in the Netherlands, unanimously decided it has the right to hear Manila’s historic case against Beijing over the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea).

The tribunal effectively rejected China's strongest argument against the Philippines: that the tribunal at the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) in The Hague has no right to hear the Philippines' case. 

This initial victory means the tribunal can hear the merits of the Philippines' case – and issue a definitive ruling by 2016.

In a news release late Thursday evening, October 29, the PCA said the tribunal “has held that both the Philippines and China are parties” to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and therefore “bound by its provisions on the settlement of disputes.”

HISTORIC CASE. The arbitral tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands, listens to the first country that brought China to court over the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea). Photo courtesy of PCA

“The tribunal has also held that China’s decision not to participate in these proceedings does not deprive the tribunal of jurisdiction and that the Philippines’ decision to commence arbitration unilaterally was not an abuse of the Convention’s dispute settlement procedures,” it said.

“In light of the foregoing, the tribunal has concluded that it is presently able to decide that it does have jurisdiction with respect to the matters raised in 7 of the Philippines’ Submissions. The tribunal has concluded, however, that its jurisdiction with respect to 7 other Submissions by the Philippines will need to be considered in conjunction with the merits. The tribunal has requested the Philippines to clarify and narrow one of its Submissions,” the PCA added.

Read the full text of the PCA's press release below:

Case name

The Republic of Philippines v. The People's Republic of China

Case description	On 22 January 2013, the Republic of the Philippines instituted arbitral proceedings against the People’s Republic of China under Annex VII to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (the “Convention”), “with respect to the dispute with China over the maritime jurisdiction of the Philippines in the West Philippine Sea.” On 19 February 2013, China presented a Note Verbale to the Philippines in which it described “the Position of China on the South China Sea issues,” and rejected and returned the Philippines’ Notification. The Permanent Court of Arbitration acts as Registry in this arbitration.
Name(s) of claimant(s)	The Republic of Philippines ( State )
Name(s) of respondent(s)	The People’s Republic of China ( State )
Names of parties
Case number	2013-19
Administering institution	Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA)
Pls read more : http://www.pcacases.com/web/view/7

http://www.pcacases.com/web/sendAttach/1503

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THE WEST PHILIPPINE SEA ARBITRATION

The moment of truth: Philippines vs. China at The Hague

By Richard Javad Heydarian, special for CNN Philippines

Updated 15:09 PM PHT Thu, July 9, 2015

The International Tribunal on the Law of Sea (ITLOS) at the The Hague, Netherlands

The week covering July 7 to 13 will be pivotal to the Philippines’ legal battle to assert its claims over the portion of the South China Sea, that it calls the West Philippine Sea. 

Metro Manila (CNN Philippines) — The Philippines’ quest for peacefully resolving territorial disputes in the South China Sea has entered a critical stage. After more than two years of hard work and extensive preparations, culminating in the thousand-page-long memorial, Manila has the chance to convince the arbitral tribunal at The Hague that its case deserves to be heard.

The ultimate aim is to ensure all claimant countries honor their treaty commitments under prevailing international legal regimes, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which has been ratified by the Philippines (1984) and China (2006) alike.

The key hurdle, however, is the question of jurisdiction: That is to say, whether the Arbitral Tribunal, formed under the aegis of the UNCLOS, has the mandate to rule on the Philippines’ case against China. We won’t be able to even defend the merit of our case, unless we convince the court that compulsory arbitration is the way forward.

What is at stake is not only the merits of the Philippines’ arguments, and the questionable character of China’s sweeping claims, but also the very credibility and viability of international law as the primary arbiter for resolving seemingly intractable territorial spats. This is precisely why the whole international community is anxiously following the ongoing proceedings at The Hague.

A historic case

The Philippines has been praised by nations around the world, because it is the first country to have dared (under Art. 287 and Annex VII of UNCLOS) to take China to the court. Throughout my visits to and interactions with colleagues and officials from sympathetic countries across the Pacific region — and, I must say, there are many of them — I have constantly been told about how they genuinely admire our government’s decision to resort to compulsory arbitration despite China’s vehement opposition.

Though China has refused to engage the legal proceedings, claiming “inherent and indisputable” sovereignty over almost the entire South China Sea, the UNCLOS (under Art. 9, Annex VII) has not barred the resumption of our arbitration efforts, which kicked off in early 2013. Without a doubt, the Aquino administration has made a very bold decision by taking on China directly — albeit not through force, but instead the language of law. 

Beijing knows it would be very difficult to justify its notorious nine-dashed-line doctrine, so it has instead chosen to sabotage the Philippines’ arbitration efforts by raising (see its Dec. 7, 2014 position paper, which can be read as an informal counter-memorial) technicality-procedural questions. China has deployed three related arguments that aim to put into question whether the arbitral tribunal should exercise jurisdiction at all.

China cites that the UNCLOS doesn’t have the mandate to address sovereignty-related (title to claim) questions, while, invoking Art. 298 back in 2006, China has opted out of compulsory arbitration on issues that concern its territorial claims, among others. China also claims that it is premature to resort to compulsory arbitration, since alternative mechanisms haven’t been fully exhausted. The Philippines’ savvy legal team, however, has tried to address the jurisdiction issue by eschewing the sovereignty question, instead focusing on two major issues.

The fog of law

First, the Philippines has emphasized the importance of clarifying (under Art. 121 of UNCLOS) the nature of disputed features: Whether they are low-tide or high-tide elevations or islands, since this has a huge implication on whether the features can be appropriated at all or can generate their own 200 nautical miles Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).

Perhaps the most important argument of the Philippines’ is that the arbitral tribunal should examine (and hopefully invalidate) China’s nine-dashed-line claims, which are based on pre-modern, questionable, and vague notion of “historical rights/waters”. In short, we want to make sure all claimant countries harmonize their claims and maritime behavior along modern, internationally-accepted legal principles, not obscure doctrines.

The legal community is quite divided on whether the Philippines can overcome the jurisdictional hurdle, since it will have to argue that its case transcends any sovereignty-related question.

But practically everyone agrees that China has to first clarify sweeping territorial claims, which are neither consistent nor precise. Up to this day, it is not clear whether China is claiming the entire South China Sea or only the features and fisheries and hydrocarbon resources in the area. And if China doesn’t even clarify the precise coordinates of its claims, it would be almost impossible to have any viable joint development scheme among claimant countries.

The Philippines’ case has also presented a huge dilemma for arbitration bodies under UNCLOS. If the Arbitral Tribunal turns down jurisdiction, and refuses to even hear the merits of our arguments, then the very viability of international law as a conflict-management/resolution mechanism will come under question.

At the same time, if it decides to push ahead and eventually rule against China, then there is a huge risk that, as a good friend Columbia University Professor Matthew C. Waxman puts it, it would be "ignored, derided and marginalized by the biggest player [China] in the region." After all, there are no multilateral compliance-enforcement mechanisms to force China — a permanent member of the UN Security Council — to abide by any unfavorable verdict.

In practical terms, the big concern is that while the legal cycle slowly grinds, China is actually changing the facts on the ground on a daily basis. This is why it is extremely important that the Philippines remains vigilant, and primarily focuses on tangibly guarding its interests on the frontline by fortifying its position on features it already controls, negotiate necessary measures (i.e., hotlines) to prevent unwanted clashes and escalation in the high seas, and employ all instruments in its toolkit to protect its territorial integrity.

An urgent concern, in particular, is to prevent China from imposing an Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the Spratly chain of islands, which may give Beijing the ability to choke off the supply-lines of other claimant states and dominate arguably the world’s most important maritime highways. The truth is that, we can’t only rely on UNCLOS to address this critical situation, and we will need the help of our allies and partners across the world as well as the full support of the Filipino nation.

http://cnnphilippines.com/news/2015/07/09/moment-of-truth-philippines-vs-china-the-hague-richard-heydarian.html

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O n 22 January 2013, the Philippines formally conveyed to China the Philippine Notification and Statement of Claim that challenges before the Arbitral Tribunal the validity of China’s nine-dash line claim to almost the entire South China Sea (SCS) including a peaceful negotiated settlement of its maritime dispute with China.

China’s nine-dash line claim is contrary to UNCLOS and unlawful. The Philippines is requesting the Tribunal to, among others:

     1. Declare that China’s rights to maritime areas in the SCS, like the rights of the Philippines, are 

         established by UNCLOS, and consist of its rights to a Territorial Sea and Contiguous Zone 

         under Part II of UNCLOS, to an EEZ under Part V, and to a Continental Shelf under Part VI

     2. Declare that China’s maritime claims in the SCS based on its so-called nine-dash line are 

         contrary to UNCLOS and invalid

     3.  Require China to bring its domestic legislation into conformity with its obligations under     

          UNCLOS; and

     4.  Require China to desist from activities that violate the rights of the Philippines in its maritime 

          domain in the WPS.

The Arbitral Tribunal has jurisdiction to hear and make an award as the dispute is about the interpretation and application by States Parties of their obligations under the UNCLOS. 

The Philippines position is well founded in fact and law.

Annex VII Arbitration under UNCLOS

A rather unique feature of UNCLOS is that it allows, under certain conditions, a State Party to bring another State Party to arbitration even without the latter’s consent. This is allowed under Annex VII when States Parties are unable to settle a dispute by negotiation, third party resolution or other peaceful means.

An Annex VII arbitral tribunal is composed of five members free to determine its own procedure. The absence of a party or failure of a party to defend its case shall not constitute a bar to the proceedings. There have been four instances when States Parties have resorted to Annex VII arbitration: Bangladesh-India, Mauritius-UK, Argentina-Ghana and Philippines-China.

http://www.dfa.gov.ph/images/PDF/2013%20WPS%20Update%201%20-%20May%202013.pdf

http://www.dfa.gov.ph/index.php/west-philippine-sea-arbitration-updates

http://www.pca-cpa.org/showpage.asp?pag_id=1529

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Origin of China's Nine Dash Line

Justice Carpio debunks China’s historical claim

MANILA, Philippines–Panatag Shoal (Scarborough Shoal) has always been part of the Philippines that from the 1960s to the 1980s, Philippine and American planes used it as an impact range during joint military exercises.

And, according to Supreme Court Associate Justice Antonio Carpio, China or any other country never protested the bombing runs on the shoal.

China is claiming the resource-rich shoal off Zambales province as part of its territory, seizing it after a two-month maritime standoff with the Philippines in 2012.

“If the Philippines can bomb a shoal repeatedly over decades without any protest from neighboring states, it must have sovereignty over [that] shoal,” Carpio said in a lecture at De La Salle University in Manila last Friday.

Carpio, who had been going around lecture circles questioning the legality of China’s claim to 90 percent of the 3.5-million-square-kilometer South China Sea, again took on China’s assertions in a lecture titled “Historical Facts, Historical Lies and Historical Rights in the West Philippine Sea.”

He said China was arguing that its extensive claim was based on “historical facts and international law.”

But historical facts, Carpio said, have “no bearing whatsoever in the resolution of maritime disputes” under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Unclos).

China also cannot invoke ancient conquests and maps under international law to claim territories, he said.

China’s own maps

Carpio showed copies of maps of China dating back to the 13th century and to the 1930s, made by Chinese authorities or individuals and even foreigners, that showed the southernmost territory of China has always been Hainan Island and that Chinese territory never included the Spratly Islands in the middle of the South China Sea and Panatag Shoal in the West Philippine Sea.

“There is not a single ancient map, whether made by Chinese or foreigners, showing that the Spratlys and Scarborough Shoal were ever part of Chinese territory,” Carpio said.

He said China itself had been saying as late as 1932 that the southernmost part of Chinese territory was Hainan Island.

‘Gigantic fraud’

Carpio called China’s claim to almost the entire South China Sea, which Beijing calls “nine-dash line,” a “gigantic historical fraud” because it claims that its southernmost territory is James Shoal, which is 90 kilometers from the coast of Bintulu, Sarawak, Malaysia—within Malaysia’s exclusive economic zone—and more than 1,700 km from China.

Under international law, a country’s territory extends up to only 370 km from its shores. Carpio said Philippine maps from 1636 to 1940, or for 340 years, “consistently show Scarborough Shoal, whether named or unnamed, as part of the Philippines.”

Spain also ceded Scarborough Shoal to the United States under the 1900 Treaty of Washington, he said.

“In sum, China’s so-called historical facts to justify its nine-dash line are glaringly inconsistent with actual historical facts, based on China’s own historical maps, constitutions and official pronouncements,” Carpio said.

“China has no historical link whatsoever to Scarborough Shoal. The rocks of Scarborough Shoal were never bequeathed to the present generation of Chinese by their ancestors because their ancestors never owned those rocks in the first place,” he said.

http://globalnation.inquirer.net/106116/justice-carpio-debunks-chinas-historical-claim.

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Various Chinese scholars criticize “9-dashed line

PANO - On May 7th, 2009, China officially asked to circulate among the United Nations state members a map that reflects the “cow-tongue” line (or the “U-shaped line” or the so-called “9-dashed line”) in the East Sea, claiming not only the islands and reefs but also the whole sea area within this line. In response to China’s recent actions in the East Sea, the world opinion is raising a question whether China is on its way to claim its sovereignty over this dotted line despite international objection.

Various Chinese scholars with certain knowledge of international law have confirmed that there exist no legal documents to verify the existence of this illegal dotted line.

 Incorrect points of the “cow-tongue” line

According to Chinese scholars, the “U-shaped line” first appeared on the Location Map of the South China Sea Islands (Nanhai zhudao weizhi tu) compiled by Fu Jiaojin and Wang Xiguang and was published by Geological Bureau under China Ministry of Home Affairs in 1947.

Some people tried to hold on to the origin of this line with an aim to have an advantegous explaination for China. According to them, the “U-shaped line” was drawn by one person named Hu Jinsui in 1914. Until December 1947, an official from the Republic of China, named Bai Meichu, re-drew this line in his individual map. The 11-dotted line covered Islands of Dong Sa (Pratas), Hoang Sa (Paracel), Truong Sa (Spratly) and Trung Sa (Macclesfield Bank). However, in 1953, the 11-dotted line was adjusted into 9-dotted line. Two dots in the Tonkin Gulf was removed with no clear reason. In fact, there has so far no document featuring the accurate co-ordinate and location of the “U-shaped line” or “the 9-dashed” line been found.

Scholar, famous commentator of the online Phoenix newspaper (Hongkong, China) Xue Litai warned that China will face various difficulties and challenges from international community if it claims sovereignty over the “9-dashed” line. This scholar pointed out some incorrect points of the “cow-tongue” line.

Firstly, China itself has drawn the 11-dotted line on the map without demarcation at sea with neighbouring countries and the dashed line has received no international recognition.

Secondly, to date, China has failed to make clear that the “cow-tongue” line is the national dashed border line or traditional demarcation line at sea. Beijing has given no definition and clear longitude and latitude relating to the geological location but just drawn the dotted line on their map. That is not convincing at all.

Thirdly, if Beijing stresses that the previous 11-dotted line was the national border line that could not be violated,  why after the new China was born, Beijing itself removed two dots on the map in the Tonkin Gulf. Does China consider the fixing of national border line a joke?

No reliable legal evidence

Other Chinese scholars said that the “cow-tongue” line is only the unilateral claim of China with no firm legal foundation. These scholars also have disagreed with what China has interpreted the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 (UNCLOS 1982). This vague interpretation on the jurisdiction without mentioning geological elements of the coastal line or basic line is completely unconvincing.

Li Linghua, a researcher at China’s National Oceanographic Data and Information Centre, the author of more than 90 articles on maritime issues and the law of the sea, which were posted on different Chinese newspapers, frankly criticized wrong viewpoint on the issue relating to the East Sea and rejected the “cow-tongue” line at the seminar “The East Sea disputes, national sovereignty and international regulations” jointly organized by Tian Ze Economic Research Institute and online newspaper Sina.com on July 14^th. Li Linghua stressed that “We-China had drawn the 9-dashed line with no specific longitude and latitude and legal basis”.

In his writing, “About 200-mile border map on the South China Sea (East Sea) drawn under UNCLOS” released on July 3^rd, he made public a map demarcating 200-mile exclusive economic zone, concerned by nations bordering the East Sea, clearly features that areas that China has been claiming its sovereignty over basing on the “9-dashed line” are within the 200-mile exclusive economic zone of Vietnam. That article also rejected the establishment of what is called “Sansha” city by China and the international bid given by China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) for 9 blocks which entirely lie in Vietnam’s continental shelf and 200-mile exclusive economic zone.

Professor Zhang Shuguang from the University of Sichuan emphasized that the “cow-tongue” line claimed by China without any basis and international recognition is worthless. “Chinese interests need to be recognized by others. Without that recognition China has no right”.

Please read further on below link :

http://en.qdnd.vn/national-sovereignty/various-chinese-scholars-criticize-9-dashed-line/200466.html

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Youtube Videos related to West Philippine Sea 
& China's Nine Dash Line.

BBC Documentary Our World Flashpoint: South China Sea

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Three Centuries of Philippine Maps 1598 to present era.

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West Philippine Sea Arbitration - Philippines won in First round

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We must recover our Scarborough Shoal from China’s illegal occupation.

http://jibraelangel2blog.blogspot.com/2015/03/we-must-recover-our-scarborough-shoal.html

The Philippines should be more aggressive in the Spratlys

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Historical Fiction – China’s South China Sea Claim

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Refuting China’s Nine-Dash Claim

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BRP Sierra Madre at Ayungin Shoal

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Martsa para sa Kalayaan infront of PRC Chinese Embassy at Makati

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Protect the Lumad our indigenous peoples

Lumads in Mindanao under attack

James Cameron’s 2009 box-office hit film Avatar, about an alien world where primitive but highly evolved inhabitants defend their habitat, moved audiences across the globe, including the Filipino urbanite audience.

We were enthralled by the lush and luminescent world of beings who end up waging a kind of asymmetrical warfare against ruthless interlopers out to plunder rare and costly minerals from their planet. We cheered on these beings’ defense of their territory, and more importantly, of the life force that appears to be the embodiment of “Mother Nature”, as the triumph of good versus evil, of Nature over corporate greed, and of a united people over high-tech weaponry.



AVATAR - Official Launch Trailer (HD) 

It is said that the film is a thinly-veiled tribute by the film maker to indigenous peoples of the Amazon who are resisting inroads by multinational corporations (MNCs) into their lands to exploit natural resources at the expense of the environment, the habitat of endangered flora and fauna, and the homes of vanishing native tribes.

Here in the Philippines, there are several Lumad groups of Mindanao locked in similar life-and-death struggle against huge corporate mining interests (and other MNCs bringing in so-called “development” programs to the Lumad’s ancestral lands).

Please read more :

Lumads in Mindanao under attack

http://www.bworldonline.com/content.php?section=Opinion&title=lumads-in-mindanao-under-attack&id=114802



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Leave the Lumad alone!  

By Dean Tony La Viña

The issue is about control of natural resources and ancestral domain. Before it was about logging. Now it's mining. 

This militarization started in Bukidnon and Davao del Norte and now has jumped to Surigao. It’s anyone guess where this goes next but it won’t stop unless drastic measures are taken.

Above all, if we want these atrocities to stop, we must leave the Lumad alone – allow them to independently make decisions about their ancestral domains, their natural resources, their educational system (including the choice of their teachers), and other matters critical to them. We must completely respect their right to free and prior informed consent – starting with entering their territory.



Both the military and the New People’s Army (NPA) must pull out of their areas, all of which must be demilitarized and declared peace zones. All economic activities by outsiders, including mining operations, must be stopped and all applications frozen in those areas so the conflict does not expand further. This should be done immediately in the affected areas and if necessary through all Lumad areas of Mindanao. 

Why should we care about the Lumad?

Lumad is a collective term, meaning homegrown or indigenous, used to refer to 15-18 ethno-linguistic groups in Mindanao. Among those usually included as Lumad are the Subanen, B’laan, Mandaya, Higaonon, Banwaon, Talaandig, Ubo, Manobo, T’boli, Tiruray, Bagobo,Tagakaolo, Dibabawon, Manguangan, and Mansaka. It should be noted that from these groups there are hundreds and even thousands of sub-groupings that are independent or at best loosely related to each other even when there are many linguistic and cultural similarities among them.

Why should we care about the Lumad? We must be concerned because they are among the poorest and marginalized in our society.



The Lumad are also among the most peaceful and gentle, and therefore the most vulnerable. When provoked however, like their counterparts in Luzon and the Visayas, the Lumad fight back as they have done with the Spanish and American colonizers and the national government in the more recent past. Because many of the island’s natural resources, especially minerals, are in Lumad territory, they are frequently attacked and their ancestral domains encroached upon by outsiders. Such development aggression in turn becomes the breeding ground of the national democratic revolution and the communist insurgency. 

There will be no peace in Mindanao and in the Philippines if the rights of the Lumad are ignored and disregarded. Even the successful establishment of the Bangsamoro will not lead to peace without the full inclusion of the Lumad.

What is happening to the Lumad?

Last September 1, 2015, Lumad educator Emerito Samarca, executive director of the Alternative Learning Center for Agricultural and Livelihood Development, a school recognized for its innovative and effective way of teaching, was found in a room in the school, with hands and feet bound, throat slit. As reported by interAksyon.com, TV 5’s news website, on that same day, two Lumad leaders Dionel Campos and Datu Juvillo Sinzo were also executed, in front of hundreds of children and residents in Han-ayan, Lianga, Surigao del Sur. It is alleged that the educator and leaders were killed by a tribal paramilitary force formed and organized by the military to fight the NPA.



As a result of the September 1 killings, more than 3,000 Lumad refugees are now in Tandag, capital town of Surigao del Sur.

In a strongly worded editorial, interaksyon.com describes Surigao del Sur Governor Johnny Pimentel as not mincing words about whom he blames: “He has had the balls to speak not only about how and by whom all of this nightmare started, he has a pretty good idea how it can all be put to a just and satisfying end. Pimentel says the militias and their military handlers should be prosecuted – even killed if necessary.”

This is not the first time that Lumad in Mindanao has been attacked and their leaders killed in the name of the fight against communist rebels.

Just a few months ago, hundreds of Lumad from Bukidnon and Davao del Norte evacuated to Davao City to flee from military operations in their ancestral domains. There was a charge that the evacuees in Davao City had been kidnapped by militants. But in a dramatic confrontation with Representative Nancy Catamco, Chairperson of the committee on indigenous peoples of the House of Representatives, it was established by the Davao City government that the Lumad had in fact sought refuge as their supporters have claimed. Mayor Rody Duterte himself affirmed this and backed the Lumad refugees against Catamco’s claim that they were not in Davao out of their own free will. This was later affirmed by United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons Chaloka Beyan who denied the military claim that the Lumad in Davao City had been trafficked. 



To be fair, the military has said it welcomes any probe, with the Manila Standard quoting Brig. Gen. Joselito Kakilala, Commander of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Civil Relations Service (AFP-CRS) as promising: “We will cooperate and support any official investigation. Killings of defenseless civilian is outside of the military parameter. We do not condone these atrocities.” In the same report, AFP spokesman Restituto Padilla also denied the hand of the military in the killings. Padilla is quoted as saying: “The AFP is also doing its own internal investigation to ascertain if AFP actions were appropriate relative to this unfortunate event.” The spokesman assured the public that the military had the interest of the Lumad and respect for their culture “foremost in their minds.”

In contrast to these assurances of the military are the poignant words of Michelle Campos, daughter of one of the slain Lumad leaders. Inday Espina-Varona, in an article on ABS-CBNnews.com quotes her as saying: "My message to the government, especially our honorable President is, stop your Oplan Bayanihan that supposedly leads to peace and progress. Because the reality is, it has never brought peace or progress. You say it will bring peace to the lumad. Yes, it is true peace could come to our community because by then the paramilitary would have killed us all. And once all lumad who defend their ancestral lands have been killed, the capitalists will enjoy progress because they will be able to mine our lands." 



The big picture: the elephants in the room

I have worked in many Lumad areas for 30 years as an environmental and human rights lawyer and know the dynamics very well. There are two elephants in the room here – at a superficial level, the communist insurgency and the national democratic revolution which finds the Lumad squeezed between the military and the New People’s Army; at a deeper level, this is about control over natural resources, especially the minerals, that are abundant in Lumad territory.

The truth is that this is not even principally about the insurgency even if both sides are using the Lumad for propaganda. As I mentioned to Carmela Fonbuena in an article she wrote for Rappler on this issue, it's about control of natural resources and ancestral domain. Before it was about logging. Now it's mining.

I know that because when I was environmental undersecretary in the 1990s I had to mediate many conflicts in the area and at the bottom of it, it was because military and paramilitary forces were used to expel the Lumad from their domains and the NPA came in to take advantage of the situation by becoming the protectors of the Lumad and get their support for the national democratic struggle. That in turn became the excuse to implement programs like Oplan Bayanihan that divides the Lumad and pit them against each other.



It is a lie and a falsehood to lay the blame on the killings on the NPAs or even on internal conflicts as is now being circulated by propagandists. This red-baiting assures you that the season of killing will continue; this is the kind of propaganda which will get even more Lumad killed. Indeed, this is a go signal for that. It is immoral, downright evil, for propagandists and other people to trumpet this line. And it is especially sad that some peace workers are mouthing this.

At the same time, it must be also said as forcefully that the presence of the NPA has made the Lumad more vulnerable and has worsened their situation. Knowing personally many military officials, as colleagues and as students, I cannot imagine them tolerating serious human rights violations. But things happen, as they say, in the fog of war when our solders are faced with an enemy that knows how to disappear into the masses. I suppose that this is the same feeling of tribal militiamen – they too are afraid and so strike at whoever they believe threaten them.

Sadly, if in fact this is about the control of natural resources and ancestral domains, then the military, tribal militia, the Lumad communities, and the NPA are just pawns to drive the people away from their territory.



What needs to be done

The first thing to be done, as already pointed out, is to demilitarize the area and for peace zones to be declared in all affected Lumad areas. The military and the NPA must withdraw immediately. The tribal militia in Surigao del Sur and elsewhere must be disarmed. Those who killed the Lumad educators and leaders should be arrested, charged, and held accountable for the murders they committed.

An international investigation must be conducted in parallel with a Commission on Human Rights (CHR) investigation. This is necessary not only to determine the facts of the killings and aid in the prosecution also to identify the root causes of the conflict within Lumad territory. I fully trust the new Chairman of the CHR but it would work best if he put together a mission composed of credible and independent individuals that will take on the task of investigation.

I strongly suggest that the government invite UN Rapporteur for the rights of indigenous peoples Vicky Tauli-Corpuz to visit the affected areas and report on what she sees and make the appropriate recommendations. Vicky knows the Philippines very well, being a Filipina herself, and she is experienced in doing these investigations. Having worked with Vicky for decades on international and national indigenous peoples’ concerns, she has no ideological agenda in what is happening and will be guided only by the best interest of the Lumad.



Manilakbayan 2015 at Naga City on the way to Manila

If needed, human rights groups might consider filing a petition for a writ of amparo, requesting the Supreme Court to order the military and tribal militia from entering and having a presence in Lumad territory.

In the meantime, religious leaders must band with political leaders to make sure that no further killings happen. Already this is happening with the National Council of Churches in the Philippines and the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines standing strongly with the Lumad. I suggest that high-profile delegations of these Churches and religious organizations be sent to the affected areas and accompany the Lumad back to their homes and stay with them until their safety is totally secure.

Political leaders have also begun speaking out with Vice President Jejomar Binay, and Senators Grace Poe and Loren Legarda taking the lead. It would be good if we could hear our Mindanao senators TG Guingona and Koko Pimentel speak out on this as well. The Representatives from the Agusan and Surigao provinces, or perhaps all districts where there are Lumad, might also want to do this.



Government agencies like the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) and the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) must come in and do their job. The NCIP must ensure certifications of Free and Prior Informed Consent have been correctly given and the proper Certificates of Ancestral Domains have been issued. The DENR must make an inventory of natural resource and mining permits and agreements and make sure they are not exacerbating the situation. In fact, as I pointed out at the beginning of this article, such permits and agreements (and applications for them) must be put on hold to make sure they are not the reason of the conflict.

The Department of Education has a special role in addressing this problem. As the interaskyon.com editorial pointed out: “Educated lumad like Samarca are looked upon as dangerous. They are tagged as rebel coddlers just because of the accident of birthrights and geography, (i.e., rebel camps are near their villages) - if not as communists themselves because, you know, they demand rights, schooling, support, concern for their environment, good governance and responsible practices from extractive industries.”

The sad part is that DEPED has been complicit in what is happening to the Lumad. Knowing the good people that are leading the department, I am sure that this was unintentional. How could any of them imagine that the closure of several Lumad schools earlier this year would lead to the evacuations in Bukidnon and Davao del Norte? How could a department circular allowing military and militiamen to set up camps within public schools in Lumad areas lead to the killing of the wonderful and great educator Emerito Samarca? But these are the unintended consequences when redbaiting propaganda is accepted without question. People die as a result when that happens.

My hope now is that DEPED Secretary Armin Luistro will prioritize this and take the necessary steps so further killings of educators do not happen. Among others, I respectfully suggest that the good secretary reach out to the Rural Missionaries of the Philippines, fellow religious and church workers who know most about what is happening to the Lumad. I have known of the work of the Rural Missionaries for decades. They have been consistent in their service to Church and people. Long before Jorge Bergoglio became Pope Francis, the Rural Missionaries have been immersed in the peripheries.



At the beginning of this article, I said I write this with rage, grief and guilt. I am angry because of the terrible injustice that is being done to these wonderful peoples we collectively call Lumad. I am filled with sorrow because the people that have been killed are the best of their peoples, the leaders and educators.

And I feel guilty because I did not act quickly enough. I am ashamed of myself for ignoring the signs, for using ideological and not human rights lens when this attack on the Lumad became evident.

But today, I put aside my guilt and shame aside and say: I stand by the Lumad. Today, this Filipino and this Mindanawon say: I am Lumad. Let’s all be. – Rappler.com

************

Manila Lakbayan 2015  - at Mendiola Bridge, Manila

* * * * * * * * * *

Manilakbayan 2015 at UP Diliman

Manilakbayan 2015 Take Off   

Manilakbayan 2015- Michelle Campos

Support for Manilakbayan 2015 

Bandila: UP community welcomes Lumad protesters   

Manilakbayan 2015- Fred Lumambas

Manilakbayan 2015 suportado ng CBCP 

 

The theories behind the Lumad killings | Reel Time

 

NPA, AFP not behind lumad killings: Loren

 

AFP, pinabulaanan ang alegasyong sila ang nasa likod ng 

Lumad killings sa Surigao del Sur   

Mareng Winnie: It's about time we defend the military 

 

Farmers barricade against the APEX mining company

Protesters from Mindanao storm mining company in Makati 

* * * * * * *

History of Lumad

The name Lumad grew out of the political awakening among tribes during the martial law regime of President Ferdinand Marcos. It was advocated and propagated by the members and affiliates of Lumad-Mindanao, a coalition of all-Lumad local and regional organizations which formalized themselves as such in June 1986 but started in 1983 as a multi-sectoral organization. Lumad-Mindanao’s main objective was to achieve self-determination for their member-tribes or, put more concretely, self-governance within their ancestral domain in accordance with their culture and customary laws. No other Lumad organization had had the express goal in the past.

Representatives from 15 tribes agreed in June 1986 to adopt the name; there were no delegates from the three major groups of the T'boli, the Teduray. The choice of a Cebuano word was a bit ironic but they deemed it to be most appropriate considering that the Lumad tribes do not have any other common language except Cebuano. This was the first time that these tribes had agreed to a common name for themselves, distinct from that of the Moros and different from the migrant majority and their descendants.

People

There are 18 Lumad ethnolinguistic groups: Atta, Bagobo, Banwaon, B’laan, Bukidnon, Dibabawon, Higaonon, Mamanwa, Mandaya, Manguwangan, Manobo, Mansaka, Subanen, Tagakaolo, Tasaday, Tboli, Teduray, and Ubo.

According to the Lumad Development Center Inc., there are about 18 Lumad groups in 19 provinces across the country. Considered as "vulnerable groups", they live in hinterlands, forests, lowlands and coastal areas.

Katawhang Lumad are the un-Islamized and un-Christianized Austronesian peoples of Mindanao, namely Erumanen ne Menuvu`, Matidsalug Manobo, Agusanon Manobo, Dulangan Manobo, Dabaw Manobo,Ata Manobo, B'laan, Kaulo, Banwaon, Teduray, Lambangian, Higaunon, Dibabawon, Mangguwangan, Mansaka, Mandaya, K'lagan, T'boli, Mamanuwa, Talaandig, Tagabawa, and Ubu`, Tinenanen, Kuwemanen, K'lata and Diyangan. There are about 20 general hilltribes of Mindanao, all of which are Austronesian.

The term Lumad excludes the Butuanons and Surigaonons, even though these ethnic groups are also native to Mindanao, because the latter two groups are ethnically Visayans and are not closely related to the Lumad. This can be confusing, since the word lumad literally means "native" in the Visayan languages.

The Lumad are one of the few surviving human populations that have a genetic relationship with the Denisovans.

* * * *

Bagobo

The Bagobo (Manobo, Manuvu, Obbo, Obo) may be thought of as several groups of people, each of whom speak one of three Bagobo languages; these languages belong to the Manobo Family. Until sometime in this century, there were two major groups, which were distinguished from each other by geographic separation and by several cultural distinctions. The upland Bagobo live in the very mountainous region between the upper Pulangi and Davao rivers on Mindanao in the Philippines, whereas the coastal Bagobo once lived in the hills south and east of Mount Apo. The coastal Bagobo were influenced by Christianity, plantations, and resettlement among coastal Bisayans; they now reside either with the upland Bagobo or with the Bisayans and do not exist as a separate group.

Upland Bagobo numbered 30,000 in 1962. Their traditional subsistence is derived approximately 75 percent from swidden fields that yield rice, maize, sweet potatoes, and other crops. Twenty-five percent of their diet comes from hunting, fishing, and gathering. Some villages consist of only a few families on a hilltop and are impermanent owing to the needs of swidden farming. In larger valleys, up to 100 families may live together in more permanent villages. They are organized by bilateral kindreds that work together to pay bride-wealth, for wergild, and to form vengeance groups. Bilateral kinship reckoning, a strict incest prohibition, and small villages together make most villages exogamous. Residence is matrilocal. Until World War II, villages were autonomous and were governed by one or more datus, who were wealthy legal authorities and negotiators. After World War II, a single datu gained control over the entire area, in response to intrusions by loggers and Christian Filipinos.

The Bagobo believe in a supreme being who inhabits the sky world, as well as a deity who brings sickness and death to incestuous couples. The Bagobo are also known for their long epic

poems, tuwaang.

*  *  *  *



Banwaon

The Banwaon are also known as the Adgawanon, Banuaonon, Banwanon, Higaonon-Banwaon and Manobo. There are concentrations of Banwaon's found in the island of Mindanao in the province of Agusan del Sur. The largest concentrations are in and around San Luis, Maasam and the Libang river valley.

 *  *  *  * 

B'laan

The B'laan is an indigenous group that is concentrated in Davao del Sur and South Cotabato. They practice indigenous rituals while adapting to the way of life of modern Filipinos.

*  *  *  *  * 

Bukidnon

 The Bukidnon are one of the seven tribes in the Bukidnon plateau of Mindanao. Bukidnon means 'that of the mountains' (i.e., 'people of the mountains'), despite the fact that most Bukidnon tribes settle in the lowlands. The name Bukidnon is itself used to describe the entire province in a different context (it means 'mountainous lands' in this case).

The Bukidnon people believe in one god, Magbabaya (Ruler of All), though there are several minor gods and goddesses that they worship as well. Religious rites are presided by a baylan whose ordination is voluntary and may come from both sexes. The Bukidnons have rich musical and oral traditions  which are celebrated annually in Malaybalay city's Kaamulan Festival, with other tribes in Bukidnon (the Manobo tribes, the Higaonon, Matigsalug, Talaandig, Umayamnom, and the Tigwahanon).

   * * * * * Tagakaulo Tagakaulo is one of the tribes in Mindanao. Their traditional territories is in Davao Del Sur and the Sarangani Province particularly in the localities of Malalag, Lais, Talaguton Rivers, Santa Maria, Davao Occidental and Malita of Davao Occidental, and Malungon of the Sarangani Province.  Tagakaulo means living in mountain. The Tagakaulo tribe originally came from the western shores of the gulf of Davao and south of Mt. Apo a long time ago.

* * * *

Manobo

Manobo is the hispanized spelling of Manuvu (there is no difference between the pronunciation of orthographic ‹b› and ‹v› in Castilian Spanish; the /v/ sound was lost when translated). Its etymology is unclear; in its current form it means 'person' or 'people'.

The Manobo are an Australasian, indigenous agriculturalist population who neighbor the Mamanwa group in Surigao del Norte and Surigao del Sur. They live in barangays like the Mamanwa; however, population size is dramatically larger in the Manobo settlements in comparison to those of the Mamanwa. The two groups interact frequently although the amount of interaction varies between settlements and intermarriage is common between them.

The Manobo are probably the most numerous of the ethnic groups of the Philippines in the relationships and names of the groups that belong to this family of languages. Mention has been made of the numerous subgroups that comprise the Manobo group. The total Manobo population is not known, although they occupy core areas from Sarangani island into the Mindanao mainland in the provinces of Agusan del Sur, Davao provinces, Bukidnon, and North and South Cotabato. The groups occupy such a wide area of distribution that localized groups have assumed the character of distinctiveness as a separate ethnic grouping such as the Bagobo or the Higaonon, and the Atta. Depending on specific linguistic points of view, the membership of a dialect with a supergroup shifts. The Manobo are genetically related to the Denisovans, much like the Mamanwa.

   * * * * * Subanon

The Subanons are the first settlers of the Zamboanga peninsula. The family is patriarchal while the village is led by a chief called Timuay. He acts as the village judge and is concerned with all communal matters. History has better words to speak for Misamis Occidental. Its principal city was originally populated by the Subanon, a cultural group that once roamed the seas in great number; the province was an easy prey to the marauding sea pirates of Lanao whose habit was to stage lightning forays along the coastal areas in search of slaves. As the Subanon retreated deeper and deeper into the interior, the coastal areas became home to inhabitants from Bukidnon who were steadily followed by settlers from nearby Cebu and Bohol.

* * * * *  Higaonon The Higaonon is located on the provinces of Bukidnon, Agusan del Sur, Misamis Oriental, Rogongon, Iligan City, and Lanao del Norte. Their name means "people of the wilderness". Most Higaonons have a rather traditional way of living. Farming is the most important economic activity.

* * * * *

Mamanwa

The Mamanwa is a Negrito tribe often grouped together with the Lumad. They come from Leyte, Agusan del Norte, and Surigao provinces in Mindanao; primarily in Kitcharao and Santiago, Agusan del Norte,  though they are lesser in number and more scattered and nomadic than the Manobos and Mandaya tribes who also inhabit the region. Like all Negritos, the Mamanwas are genetically distinct from the lowlanders and the upland living Manobos, exhibiting curly hair and much darker skin tones.

The Mamanwa is a Negrito tribe often grouped together with the Lumad. They come from Leyte, Agusan del Norte, and Surigao provinces in Mindanao; primarily in Kitcharao and Santiago, Agusan del Norte, though they are lesser in number and more scattered and nomadic than the Manobos and Mandaya tribes who also inhabit the region. Like all Negritos, the Mamanwas are genetically distinct from the lowlanders and the upland living Manobos, exhibiting curly hair and much darker skin tones.

These peoples are traditionally hunter-gatherers and consume a wide variety of wild plants, herbs, insects, and animals from tropical rainforest. The Mamanwa are categorized as having the "negrito" phenotype with by dark skin, kinky hair, and short stature.The origins of this phenotype (found in the Agta, Ati, and Aeta tribes in the Philippines) are a continued topic of debate, with recent evidence suggesting that the phenotype convergently evolved in several areas of southeast Asia.
However, recent genomic evidence suggests that the Mamanwa were one of the first populations to leave Africa along with peoples in New Guinea and Australia, and that they diverged from a common origin about 36,000 years ago.

Currently, Mamanwa populations live in sedentary settlements ("barangays") that are close to agricultural peoples and market centers. As a result, a substantial proportion of their diet includes starch-dense domesticated foods. The extent to which agricultural products are bought or exchanged varies in each Mamanwa settlement with some individuals continuing to farm and produce their own domesticated foods while others rely on purchasing food from market centers. The Mamanwa have been exposed to many of the modernities mainstream agricultural populations possess and use such as cell phones, televisions, radio, processed foods, etc.

The political system of the Mamanwa is informally democratic and age-structured. Elders are respected and are expected to maintain peace and order within the tribe. The chieftain, called a Tambayon, usually takes over the duties of counseling tribal members, speaking at gatherings, and arbitrating disagreements. The chieftain may be a man or a woman, which is characteristic of other gender-egalitarian hunter-gatherer societies. They believe in a collection of spirits, which are governed by the supreme deity Magbabaya, although it appears that their contact with monotheist communities/populations has made a considerable impact on the Mamanwa's religious practices. They are often taught (by Christian and Catholic rural Pilipinos) that their animistic beliefs are savage. The tribe produce excellent winnowing baskets, rattan hammocks, and other household containers.

Mamanwa (also spelled Mamanoa) means 'first forest dwellers', from the words man (first) and banwa (forest).They speak the Mamanwa language (or Minamanwa).They are genetically related to the Denisovans.

Mamanwa tribe. * * * * *  Mandaya

"Mandaya" derives from "man" meaning "first," and "daya" meaning "upstream" or "upper portion of a river," and therefore means "the first people upstream". It refers to a number of groups found along the mountain ranges of Davao Oriental, as well as to their customs, language, and beliefs. The Mandaya are also found in Compostela and New Bataan in Compostela (formerly a part of Davao del Norte Province)

* * * * * *

Mansaka

The term "Mansaka" derives from "mang" with literal meaning "to" and "saka" meaning "climb," and means "to climb or to ascend mountains/upstream." The term most likely describes the origin of these people who are found today in Davao del Norte and Davao del Sur. Specifically in the Batoto River, the Manat Valley, Caragan, Maragusan, the Hijo River Valley, and the seacoasts of Kingking, Maco, Kwambog, Hijo, Tagum, Libuganon, Tuganay, Ising, and Panabo.

* * * * *
Manguwangan

The Manguangan makes up the indigenous people living in the Cordillera Sugut mountains in Mindanao. Estimated to reach 3,488 in numbers in 1987,they are scattered up to the great lakes of Buayan or Maguindanao and in the territory between what is occupied by the Manobo and the Mandaya in Davao and South Cotabato. Due to this close geographic proximity with the two tribes, they usually are thought members of those although the Jesuits and others take them as a distinct ethnic group. Sangil

The Sangir or Sangil is located in the islands of Balut, Sarangani, and the coastal areas of South Cotabato and Davao del Sur. Their name comes from Sangihe, an archipelago located between Sulawesi and Mindanao. This was their original home, but they migrated northwards.

* * * * *

Tagabawa

Tagabawa is the language used by the Bagobo-Tagabawa. They are the indigenous tribe in Mindanao. They live in the surrounding areas of Mt. Apo.

* * * * *

Tasaday

The Tasaday is a group of about two dozen people living within the deep and mountainous rainforests of Mindanao, who attracted wide media attention in 1971 when they were first "discovered" by western scientists who reported that they were living at a "stone age" level of technology and had been completely isolated from the rest of Philippine society. They later attracted attention in the 1980s when it was reported that their discovery had in fact been an elaborate hoax, and doubt was raised both about their status as isolated from other societies and even about the reality of their existence as a separate ethnic group. The question of whether Tasaday studies published in the seventies are accurate is still being discussed.

* * * * * 

T'boli

The Tbolis are one of the indigenous peoples of South Mindanao. From the body of ethnographic and linguistic literature on Mindanao, they are variously known as Toboli, T'boli, Tböli, Tiboli, Tibole, Tagabili, Tagabeli, and Tagabulu. They term themselves Tboli or T'boli. Their whereabouts and identity are to some extent confused in the literature; some publications present the Toboli and the Tagabili as distinct peoples; some locate the Tbolis to the vicinity of the Buluan Lake in the Cotabato Basin or in Agusan del Norte. The Tbolis, then, reside on the mountain slopes on either side of the upper Alah Valley and the coastal area of Maitum, Maasim and Kiamba. In former times, the Tbolis also inhabited the upper Alah Valley floor.

* * * * *

Tiruray

There are coastal, river, and mountain Tiruray clans, each of which has variations in dialect. In fact, Tiruray is a combination of tiru (“place of origin, birth, or residence”) and ray (from daya, meaning “upper part of a stream or river”). Their language, another distinct ethnolinguistic group, is structurally related to those of the Malayo-Polynesian family but is unintelligible even to their immediate neighbors. The majority of Tiruray habitations are in Upi, South Upi, Dinaig, and Ampatuan in Maguindanao, plus scattered populations in Sultan Kudarat and North Cotabato.

The primary source of income for coastal Tirurays is farming, hunting, fishing, and basket weaving; those living in the mountains engage in dry field agriculture, supplemented by hunting and the gathering of forest products. Tirurays are famous for their craftsmanship in weaving baskets with two-toned geometric designs. While many have adopted the cultures of neighboring Muslims and Christians people, a high percentage of their population still believe and practice their indigenous customs and rituals.

* * * * *   Musical heritage.

Most of the Mindanao Lumad groups have a musical heritage consisting of various types of Agung ensembles – ensembles composed of large hanging, suspended or held, bossed/knobbed gongs which act as drone without any accompanying melodic instrument.

Social issues

At the beginning of the 20th century, the Lumads controlled an area which now covers 17 of Mindanao’s 24 provinces, but by the 1980 census, they constituted less than 6% of the population of Mindanao and Sulu. Significant migration to Mindanao of Visayans, spurred by government-sponsored resettlement programmes, turned the Lumads into minorities. The Bukidnon province population grew from 63,470 in 1948 to 194,368 in 1960 and 414,762 in 1970, with the proportion of indigenous Bukidnons falling from 64% to 33% to 14%.     Lumads have a traditional concept of land ownership based on what their communities consider their ancestral territories. The historian B. R. Rodil notes that ‘a territory occupied by a community is a communal private property, and community members have the right of usufruct to any piece of unoccupied land within the communal territory.’ Ancestral lands include cultivated land as well as hunting grounds, rivers, forests, uncultivated land and the mineral resources below the land.

Unlike the Moros, the Lumad groups never formed a revolutionary group to unite them in armed struggle against the Philippine government. When the migrants came, many Lumad groups retreated into the mountains and forests. However, the Moro armed groups and the Communist-led New People’s Army (NPA) have recruited Lumads to their ranks, and the armed forces have also recruited them into paramilitary organisations to fight the Moros or the NPA.

For the Lumad, securing their rights to ancestral domain is as urgent as the Moros’ quest for self-determination. However, much of their land has already been registered in the name of multinational corporations, logging companies and other wealthy Filipinos, many of whom are, relatively speaking, recent settlers to Mindanao. Mai Tuan, a T'boli leader explains, "Now that there is a peace agreement for the MNLF, we are happy because we are given food assistance like rice … we also feel sad because we no longer have the pots to cook it with. We no longer have control over our ancestral lands."
From Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lumad_peoples

* * * * * * * Related story : Lumads begin week-long camp-out in UP Diliman 
http://www.philstar.com/metro/2015/10/28/1515620/lumads-begin-week-long-camp-out-diliman
Manilakbayan: Mindanao tribes demand a stop to Lumad killings. http://www.rappler.com/move-ph/110529-manilakbayan-mindanao-tribes-stop-lumad-killings Manilakbayan: UP Diliman welcomes 700 Lumad from Mindanao. http://www.rappler.com/move-ph/110730-manilakbayan-up-diliman-welcomes-lumad-mindanao

Timeline: Attacks on the Lumad of Mindanao

http://www.rappler.com/nation/105847-timeline-attacks-lumad-mindanao

Philippines :  Stop turning Mindanao into a killing fields of Lumads.
http://www.aippnet.org/index.php/statements/1559-philippines-stop-turning-mindanao-into-a-killing-field-of-lumads

AFP denies link to Lumad killers
http://www.philstar.com/headlines/2015/09/14/1499564/afp-denies-link-lumad-killers

Military denies killing Lumad leaders
http://www.tempo.com.ph/2015/09/26/military-denies-killing-lumad-leaders/

Army denies hand in Lumads' killing in Surigao
ttp://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/535332/news/regions/army-denies-hand-in-lumads-killing-in-surigao Lumad: Caught in the middle of a war http://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/in-depth/105272-lumad-eastern-mindanao-war

Lumads in Mindanao under attack http://www.bworldonline.com/content.php?section=Opinion&title=lumads-in-mindanao-under-attack&id=114802

Mining and plantation companies will claim our ancestral lands - lumad spokesperson
http://bakwit.blogspot.com/2015/07/mining-and-plantation-companies-will.html
* * * * * * YouTube Videos Pagpaslang sa 3 lider ng mga katutubong lumad sa Surigao del Sur,  pinapa-imbestigahan sa Kongreso    Attack on a Lumad School Narrative of a witness to the Lumad killings Michelle, daughter of slain lumad leader Dionel Campos   Private army in Bukidnon shoots at unarmed Lumads; gov't complicit